Who would have foreseen such agitation? Who dared hope that the Tunisian people would be capable of overturning a plundering police regime whose stability and strength was extolled in Europe and elsewhere?
The Conundrum of democratisation and reform in the Arab countries has always been defined by three major elements: governance backlogs, development deficits, and a complex regional and international environment.
Most observers, Turkish and foreign alike, acknowledge that Turkey has a constitutional problem.
The line of defence of the Algerian authorities is not based solely on “political corruption” via the massive purchase of social peace. It also relies on society’s fresh memory of the chaos of civil war.
Des représentants de gouvernements et de centres de recherche discutent de la manière d'améliorer les opérations et la coopération à plusieurs niveaux.
This end to one of the most brutal dictatorships in the region is the logical outcome of a long process of political disintegration of a repressive, corrupt regime that succeeded in turning all Tunisians against it
Two fundamental reasons help to explain why this seemingly new era of political change may not be able to embrace Jordan as well, which might find itself outside of the “Arab Spring.”
During the first months of 2011, the Egyptian political system was shaken by a veritable political earthquake, as the almost 30-year rule of President Hosni Mubarak was brought to an end by a popular uprising.
“Necesitamos una Constitución y un sistema legislativo que garanticen una democracia. Nadie debe tener poder sobre la voluntad de la mayoría”.
Por encima de partidos e instituciones, de las leyes y la Constitución, el verdadero garante de la perennidad de la revolución tunecina es la sociedad civil.
Los países del Golfo tienen un pasado común pero unas estructuras políticas y socioeconómicas diferentes. Ninguno ha sido inmune a la oleada de revueltas prodemocráticas.